Usually, arranging and choosing cover photography for Maclean's is one the week’s most painstaking processes. The current issue proved to be an exception. The photo that appears on the cover, and in Donald Johnston’s book from which the cover story is extracted, was taken in 1979 by Barbara Collins.
Barbara Amiel has hit a new low with her apparent defence of Western-supported dictatorships (“A difficult choice of tyrannies,” Column, March 3). She says that Corazon Aquino’s assumption of the presidency of the Philippines will likely result in a Communist takeover.
DIED: Pulitzer Prize-winning novelist and short-story writer Bernard Malamud, 71, in New York. Considered by many critics to be one of the finest contemporary American writers, Malamud explored the theme of attaining moral enlightenment through suffering.
The issue of extra billing by doctors— charging patients above the level already paid for by provincial government health plans—represents a major challenge to Canada’s health care system. Under the Canada Health Act, the federal government can withhold transfer payments from provinces where doctors extra-bill patients.
When graphic artist Ernst Zundel, then 46, walked out of a Toronto court a year ago, he was smiling broadly. He had just been convicted of wilfully harming racial harmony by publishing a pamphlet that questioned whether the genocide of six million Jews during the Second World War had ever taken place.
Last March 16 the CBC finished airing the three-part NFB series made by journalist Gwynne Dyer on Canada’s defence policies. The final show in the series called The Defence of Canada summed up Dyer’s point of view. He recommended Canada withdraw from NATO and NORAD—and become a non-aligned neutral country.
When Pierre Trudeau and Donald Johnston encountered each other two weeks ago in their downtown Montreal law firm of Heenan Blaikie, even the customarily inscrutable Trudeau could not contain his curiosity. Johnston, a former Trudeau cabinet minister, was about to publish Up the Hill, a 304-page combination of political memoirs and ideas.
I marched into his office barely suppressing my anger. Fellow ministers, even some key ones in Montreal, were supporting a transfer of domestic flights from Dorval to Mirabel. To me the proposal seemed so outrageous that even to dignify it with debate was demeaning.
Before the glow was dimmed by an ill-timed slap, Prime Minister Brian Mulroney’s visit to Washington last week had a homey feel. It seemed less like an official voyage and more as though two trusted friends, Brian and Mila, had just dropped in on Ron and Nancy.
The confrontation had been brewing for four years between Premier Brian Peckford’s government and the 14,500-member Newfoundland Association of Public Employees (NAPE). The issues were salary levels and controversial legislation that severely limits the right of some public service workers in the province to go on strike.
Howard Pawley was in a buoyant mood as he strode into a cavernous community hall in the Winnipeg neighborhood of St. Boniface that served as election-night headquarters for Manitoba’s New Democratic Party. Returns from last week’s provincial election showed that Pawley’s NDP government—trailing the Conservative opposition by 30 percentage points in polls taken midway through its first term—had rebounded to form a government with a reduced majority.
As attorney general in Saskatchewan’s New Democratic Party government, Roy Romanow gained national prominence in 1981 for the role he played—with then federal Justice Minister Jean Chrétien and Attorney General Roy McMurtry of Ontario—in brokering a deal between Ottawa and the provinces for the patriation of Canada’s Constitution.
He was in his twenties, but he did not know his exact age. Barefoot, in rags, missing several teeth, he had travelled south from somewhere in the Ethiopian Province of Wollo— from where exactly, he did not know. His name was Abou Mohammed and he and his family along with roughly 600,000 other Ethiopians had been officially resettled in the past 16 months, moved to a new tukul (hut) on a new plot of ground in Jarso, 900 km southwest.
The 10-hour debate had been one of the most impassioned in the House of Representatives’ recent history. As speaker after speaker couched debate in apocalyptic rhetoric, the telephones in the members’ adjacent cloakroom were ringing with calls from President Ronald Reagan and Vice-President George Bush, who lobbied until the last moment in an attempt to sway undecided members with promises of roads, services and legislative trade-offs.
In Managua’s sprawling Eastern Market, a colorful collection of tinroofed sheds displaying a range of goods from sugar to undershorts, a portly middle-aged woman sat behind mounds of onions. The day before, an inspector for Nicaragua’s Sandinista government had fined her heavily for overcharging, and the woman was still shaking with indignation.
When the 20-year-old dynasty of Guyana’s leader Forbes Burnham collapsed after his death last August, the South American country had already become a kind of Commonwealth outlaw. Burnham’s government was accused of fixing elections regularly and of widespread human rights abuses, while the nation suffered from a huge foreign debt and a soaring crime rate.
There are 1,500 documents in all, a Pandora’s box of paper that may hold the keys to the financial kingdom of Ferdinand Marcos. Seized by U.S. customs agents in Hawaii when Marcos and his entourage fled from the Philippines last month, the documents appear to contain evidence of bribery, kickbacks and outright thievery.
When France’s newly elected parliament opens next week, it will be the first time in the 28-year history of the Fifth Republic that the country’s two most powerful government leaders belong to rival parties. Following the March 16 National Assembly elections—which gave a narrow two-seat majority to a conservative coalition of the neo-Gaullist Rally for the Republic (RPR), the centre-right Union for French Democracy (UDF) and 14 independent deputies—Socialist President François Mitterrand last week asked RPR leader Jacques Chirac to form a new government.
The facade of optimism has faded. Through the deep winter months of January and February, as prices on Alberta oil futures contracts skidded down to $17.50 a barrel, many of Calgary’s political and business leaders publicly maintained a cautious attitude, waiting for the price of oil to stabilize.
In 1982 North America was firmly in the grip of the worst automobile industry slowdown since the Great Depression. The big three U.S. automakers—General Motors Corp., Ford Motor Co. and Chrysler Corp., all based in Detroit—reported combined net losses of $5.3 billion (U.S.) for the years 1980 and 1981.
The takeover attempt was swift, sudden and huge. And it threatened to bring an independent company under the control of a huge family business empire. Only 10 months after their massive $2.8-billion takeover of Gulf Canada Ltd., Toronto’s powerful Paul and Albert Reichmann stunned Bay Street late last week with a $1.2-billion offer for 49 per cent of Hiram Walker Resources Ltd. of Toronto (HW), a liquor and resource conglomerate with assets of $5.7 billion.
Now that Canadian businessmen have re-examined the second Wilson budget, their mood has turned sour and cynical. The problem, according to Ian Sinclair, who headed the huge Canadian Pacific Ltd. empire before being named a Liberal senator in 1983, is that the Tory document is based on highly questionable assumptions.
Last week’s announcement of Prince Andrew’s engagement to Sarah Ferguson was a pleasant surprise for Sandi Jones, 25, Andrew’s former girlfriend from Kingston, Ont. Jones, who dated the prince when he was attending Lakefield College School near Peterborough, Ont., in 1977, says that she and Andrew are still good friends—“we visit each other and exchange Christmas and birthday cards”—and added that when she saw him in England last summer, the prince seemed ready to settle down.
For the past three weeks, Room 503 in New York City’s Surrogate Court has been the setting for a sensational family feud that easily surpasses the steamy offerings of such television soap operas as Dallas or Dynasty. There, within the marbled walls of the Manhattan courthouse, an estate of as much as $500 million (U.S.) is at stake.
With customary immodesty, the editorial in the March 7 issue of the satirical British magazine Private Eye began, “This week marks a revolution in publishing history with the first issue of my organ to be printed in full colour.” But fictional proprietor Lord Gnome continued, “Readers may notice there have, inevitably, been some teething troubles in the introduction of the new technological advances.”
For nine years smooth-talking master criminal Charles Sobhraj’s overriding ambition was to escape from New Delhi’s top-security Tihar Jail. And on March 16 the Vietnamese-born French citizen and six other inmates strolled to freedom past guards they had drugged with doctored candy.
It lasted only a moment, but the miscue will haunt Brian Orser for the next year, if not the rest of his life. With the men’s World Figure Skating Championship within his grasp at the Patinoire des Vernets in Geneva last Thursday night, the 24-year-old Orser tumbled to the ice.
Lucas Blye is an outsider, a brainy and lonely 14-year-old whose interests include insects and classical music. The film Lucas chronicles how the boy (played by Toronto actor Corey Haim) turns into the school’s hero—with a refreshing twist.
American bullishness locks horns with Oriental efficiency in Gung Ho, with decidedly mixed results. When a recession grips the town of Hadleyville, a civic representative, Hunt Stevenson (Michael Keaton), invites Japanese automaker Assan Motors to start up a new plant.
Rarely has a film been as faithful to a book as director James Ivory’s adaptation of A Room With a View. Ivory and his screenwriter, Ruth Prawer Jhabvala, have taken E. M. Forster’s 1908 novel and preserved its wit, irony and brilliant observation of character.
Deregulation is in the air—and it may affect what is on the air. Last week Ottawa’s watchdog of the airwaves, the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC), announced a series of proposals to soften its regulations controlling AM and FM radio programming to give broadcasters a chance to increase their revenues.
Novelist, essayist, connoisseur of Canadiana and longtime rebel on the cultural scene, Scott Symons is arguably his own most convincing creation. His first two works of fiction, Place d'Armes (1967) and Civic Square (1969), dramatized his passionate battle against what he perceived as Canada’s smug cultural establishment.
Kildare Dobbs, himself a widely travelled journalist and man of letters, has compiled one of the first samplers of Canadian travel writing, Away From Home. But few of its entries succeed in the basic function of good travel writing: evoking a strong sense of place.
It is a season of Hamlets. For the past two weeks at Winnipeg’s Manitoba Theatre Centre, Eric Schneider has starred in the last production by the MTC’S controversial outgoing artistic director, James Roy, portraying the brooding Dane as a man overwhelmed by the intrigues around him.
Power is a superb subject for theatre. Its capriciousness and its potential terror have rarely stood out as clearly as in Master Class, a recent play by the English writer David Pownall. It will be produced next year at Toronto’s Theatre Plus, and is now being staged with grace and force at Montreal’s Centaur Theatre.
The Canadian dance community expressed skepticism in 1981 when James Kudelka left the National Ballet of Canada, where he was principal dancer and infrequent choreographer, to move to Montreal’s Les Grands Ballets Canadiens. His move from Canada’s premier dance company to Montreal seemed, if not a step down, then at best a lateral arabesque: Les Grands was—and is—a smaller troupe with a reputation for rough edges.
People are always telling me why the Conservative government is about to collapse. Some experts apparently feel that a new regime not yet two years old should resign because it found some cans of messy tuna. Others feel that the Mulroneyites should be tossed out of office because they didn’t detect soon enough that a couple of banks were about to fold.